Tens of thousands of ordinary Georgians continue to protest the reintroduction of the controversial “foreign influence” bill. Backed by the governing Georgian Dream party, the legislation requires media and non-governmental organizations receiving more than 20% funding from abroad to register as an organization "pursuing the interests of a foreign power". Critics have branded the bill the “Russian law”, warning that similar legislation has been used there to quieten free speech and crackdown on dissent.

Like many parts of the world, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has more than a passing interest in the current state and future trajectory of British politics. For year ending March 2023, trade between the United Kingdom and GCC countries amounted to £65.2 billion, making the Gulf region the UK’s seventh-largest export market. A UK government report also highlights that GCC Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) holdings in the country amounted to £15.7 billion in 2020. Close economic ties are complemented by positive diplomatic relations and a large expat British workforce in many GCC states.

The regional fabric provides food-for-thought regarding the theoretical sharing of such opportunities, even if the GCC remains an unlikely candidate, not just in light of the now concluded diplomatic crisis and blockade of Qatar. Doing so also justifies a look back at the deep commonalities that were more obvious before the rift.

Sudan got caught up in the rivalries between Gulf countries. At a time of economic crisis, the survival of its new transitional government depends on outside support.

Despite declining global popularity, press releases remain the workhorses of the GCC’s newsrooms and communications industry. Yet, as the region moves ahead with its national development visions, this tried and trusted PR tool might eventually find itself surplus to requirements.